Puerto Rican Migration to the United States

As a Puerto Rican who was born and raised in Hartford, I did not think much about how or why my parents are here in the United States. It was after reading the articles in Hist 247 Reader: Latinos in the USA that I began to question the reasons and conditions of my grandparent's migration. Many think that Puerto Ricans began to migrate to the United States after 1898 when the United States took over Puerto Rico but Puerto Ricans have been migrating to the US since 1840's. The Puerto Rican migration is best described in two different experiences. The first experience from later 19th Century to early 20th Century is the migration due to the economic and social situations in Puerto Rico while the second experience from 1940's to the present is mostly due to the chain migration and the thought that the United States will offer them a better life. Both waves of migration brought new experiences to the United States like the struggle of identity, politics, and power.

The fundamental motive for leaving Puerto Rico was economic. The article "The Genesis of the Puerto Rican Migration" mentions that during 1878-1879 there was a major shift in capitalist mode from haciendas to sugar plantations. Around 1870 braceros and peasants began to leave the island to go to Santo Domingo, Cuba, etc... Under North American domination 1898-1901, Puerto Rico became an expansion in which allowed " for control of the means of production in the colony and the transformation of the "sugar islands" into exporters of products needed in the metropolis" (Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueño 348). To the United States, Puerto Rico became a means to gain more capital and power in the Caribbean. I agree with Clara Morel when she writes," "Under the domination of the United States, Puerto Rico didn’t have control over their means of production. Instead, the United States possessed that power and transformed their island into a metropolitan economy. Workers were subjected to the changing demands of US capital expansion, and their migratory movements were shaped accordingly. The United States used Puerto Rico as a medium through which they could gain power and accumulate more monetary resources. And undoubtedly, Puerto Ricans signified nothing more to them than a reserved workforce". In the article "Imperialism and Agrarian Capitalism 1898-1930" the author writes, "Between 1898-1940 the growth, employment , and patterns of movement of the Puerto Rican population were conditioned by the establishment and decline of the capitalist plantation system on the Island. The degree of relative overpopulation varied in the major branches of production- cane cultivation, sugar manufacture, tobacco and needlework and this engendered both the movement within the colony and the emigration out" (104). As overpopulation became a big issue so did unemployment. Migration occurred because many Puerto Ricans thought that by leaving Puerto Rico they would find a better life through contract working or through Operation Bootstrap.

Bernardo Vega is a great example of a tabaquero who left Puerto Rico in 1916 in search for better opportunities in the United States. When arriving to the United States all he faced was discrimination, prejudices, unfairness, and disappointment. Throughout the novel Memoirs of Bernardo Vega: A Contribution To The History Of The Puerto Rican Community In New York Vega's identity is a tabaquero and a proud jíbaro. In the article "How to read Bernardo Vega" Efrain Barradas writes, "I noticed that Vega was born in 1885 in Cayey. The place and date of birth can help illuminate his life. 1885: during the last three decades of the nineteenth century Puerto Rico is experiencing a transformation into a capitalist economy... Vega is born, therefore at the moment of the emergence of the Puerto Rican proletariat and in a place where the transformation will be felt to a considerable degree". This transformation allowed for Vega to be a proud tabaquero. Tabaqueros played an important role in the history of Puerto Ricans especially in the New York community. They are the ones who became very involved in the politics through the libertarian socialism movements. These tabaqueros were part of the early emigrants who looked for industrial jobs like in cigar factories. Yes they did help in the struggles but I don't agree with Clara when she writes, "They[tabaqueros] were the strong force behind the efforts to improve the Puerto Rican situation and community in New York City".

When arriving to New York, Vega found all different types of ethnic groups. They were Italians, French, Jews, Cubans, Greeks, etc... All of these groups were all considered as emigrants therefore Vega felt that he could identity with them. These different ethnic groups along with the tabaqueros all formed part of the Socialist group. This became known as Class politics because they were all from the same class no matter what ethnic group they were from. The early Puerto Rican emigrants became very involved more on the conditions and politics dealing with the homeland of Puerto Rico more than the hostland. Bernardo Vega's uncle Antonio discuss how many Puerto Ricans and Cubans worked hand in hand to gain Cuba's and Puerto Rico's independence from Spain and then from the United States. Efrain Barradas mentions that the conception of culture in New York in Vega's time is derived from the development among the socialist tabaqueros. "Upon the establishment of the Albizuist platform in the political dialogue on the island, culture became national culture, and that national culture was equivalent to the concept on patria" (Barradas 324). In other words, many of the emigrants in this time were nationalist who fought for Puerto Rico's struggles. At the same time that the Socialist group provided cultural activities and a support for the tabaqueros it also helped the tabaqueros with the issue of identity.

The issue of identity and citizenship has always been an important topic for Puerto Ricans. In 1898 Puerto Rico belonged to the United States but was not part of the United States. It was not until 1917 under the Jones Act that Puerto Ricans became citizens. Vega writes about the situation, "Puerto Ricans do not really have any citizenship. Outside of Puerto Rico our natural citizenship is not recognized. Without any citizenship to give up, it would seem pretty hard for us to become Americans" (27). Another question is how would you identify yourself in the early 20th century when your culture is viewed in a negative way? This is a big difference which divided many Puerto Ricans at this time and still does. Vega writes, "The other papers continues to stir up ill-feelings toward everything foreign, and especially virulent in their treatment of Puerto Ricans. Which is why some Puerto Ricans, the better-off ones in particular, would try to pass for "Spaniards" so as to minimize the prejudice against them... They made sure never to read Spanish newspapers in the subway or to never teach Spanish to their children... Things were different... in the working-class neighborhoods. There Spanish was always spoken, and on the train we read our papers for all to see. The workers were not afraid of being called "spiks". They did not deny their origin" (97). This issue caused a division between Puerto Ricans therefore, Puerto Ricans did not work all together to fight for their rights and that is why politics were more class politics than ethnic politics.

Ethnic politics is when race is the main focus and not class. Hartford is a great example of the second wave of immigrants experience and ethnic politics. The article "San Juan Shuttle, Puerto Ricans on Contract" discusses the contract program which was established by the Commonwealth government in order for Puerto Ricans to get employed in the United States. One of the main contract location was the tobacco fields in Connecticut. It was during 1950 that the Puerto Rican settlement began in Hartford. "Puerto Ricans came to Hartford propelled by the force of circumstance but motivated by desire and ambition. Some followed their American spouses, others wanted a better life, a few came just for the excitement of discovering what lay beyond the island boundaries. Unemployed farmworkers and impoverished arrimaos (sharecroppers) were part of the mix, but skilled workers, and a few professionals also made it, lured, respectively, by the prosper of work in tobacco farms, the possibility of industrial employment, or simply the desire to rejoin family members" (Cruz 4). The Puerto Ricans ethnic awareness was shaped by their experience in the US but it was rooted in their experiences in Puerto Rico. Their ethnic awareness allowed them to move towards political recognition leading them to identity politics. In the book Identity & Power: Puerto Rican Politics & the Challenge of Ethnicity Jose E. Cruz writes, "It is by reviewing their political history that one realizes that their ethnic identity was strong before these conditions set in and that identity politics was a way of achieving representation and a means to negotiate individual and group benefits. To some, ethnicity meant rejection of Americanism- to the extent that embracing the United States meant sanctioning colonialism in Puerto Rico but to the majority, ethnicity was a code that structured their entrance into mainstream society and politics" (Cruz 6).  Ethnicity allowed the Puerto Ricans to come together to tackle some of the issues like discrimination, stereotypes, unemployment and representation. It also becomes an important factor in the American quest for unity, diversity, democratic participation and equality. Morel writes about the Puerto Ricans in Hartford,"They wanted a voice and equal share in government and politics in general because they were tired of the racial, cultural, and language discrimination they faced in the United States, along with the economic exploitation. They seeked direct response to Puerto Rican concerns. To satisfy their social, economic, and political needs, they sought power."

Paul Alfonso writes, "During the 1950's, the Civil Rights movement took root in the United States among Blacks. Massive and vocal protests punctuated their struggle for equal treatment. During the 1960's and 1970's, political awareness was heightened even more because of the opposition to the Vietnam War and the demonstrations it engendered. During this heightened period of activism and awareness, other ethnic groups in the United States begin to demand more actively better treatment and fairness for their own groups. Puerto Ricans and other Latinos are, of course, included in this movement which is different in that the activists were focused on fairness for their people by reason of ethnicity and not just class" It is this reason and more that groups like the Puerto Rican Political Action Committee of Connecticut (PRPAC), the Spanish American Association of Hartford, Latin American Action Project and the Puerto Rican American Association were  created to help in voting, housing, employment and for social and cultural activities for Puerto Ricans. It was incidents like the 1969 riots and the Swank Magazine incident in 1978 that brought the Puerto Ricans community together to protest and fight to end all the negative representation. Swank Magazine had published ethnic jokes towards Puerto Ricans portraying them as stupid, lazy, criminals, whores, and infested. Major political figures include Edwin Vargas, Maria Sanchez, Mildred Torres, Eugenio Caro, Edna Negron and many more. What did and still does not allow for Puerto Ricans to advance is that there is also a division between the Puerto Rican community because of some different ideologies and organizations. There is still problems in trying to get many Puerto Ricans to vote because they think that their voice will not be heard. Many Puerto Ricans also do not know understand what is going on with politics therefore they decide not to get involve. One problem that ethnicity causes is as Cruz writes, " I don't believe that our political efforts should be focused on ethnicity regardless of qualification, beliefs, or principles. And there's a lot of people who don't care who they have in a position as long as it is a Puerto Rican"(Cruz 153). Many political figures nowadays are voted in position just because of their race and not because of their ideals. These problems are still seen in Hartford's politics.

Another group which was in support of identity politics were the Young Lords.   The documentary Pa'lante Siempre Pa'lante by Iris Morales shows how in 1960 to the 70's there was an empowerment of Boricuas through the the Pro-Independence party, Puerto Ricans students Union and the Young Lords. The New York chapter was influenced by the  Chicago-based group from reading one of the Black Panthers Party's publications. After journeying to Chicago and meeting with members of the Young Lords, the New York activists returned home inspired and created a local branch. The Young Lords concentrated on meeting the daily needs of residents of New York's barrios. They fought for education rights, created breakfast programs and forced the city to deal with the drug and health problems of barrio residents, insisting, for example, on a ban against lead-based paints in city apartments. They created a 13 point progrma which called for socialism, to end racism, and for the education of our "Afro-Indian" culture to name a few. 

Carmen Vivian Rivera in her personal story "Our Movement" writes about her experience in the fight for Puerto Rican identity but makes it very clear that the divisions between Puerto Ricans have created a weakness and has kept Puerto Ricans from working together. She writes, "Language continues to divide us. Puerto Ricans and other Latinos born and raised in the United States, who primarily speak English, are seen by some as less Latino. Spanish is sometimes used as a litmus test for authenticity" (Rivera 196). Divisions created tensions especially in 1970's between two major political group the Young Lords and the Movimiento Pro Independentista (MPI). The differences was that the Young Lords were US born Puerto Ricans who spoke Spanglish while the MPI were born in the native island and spoke Spanish. Politics also divides families especially when it comes to the issue of Puerto Rico's status. She ends by writing, "I will keep contributing to our struggle in the ways I think most productive. I'll always keep in mind that our children need to be taught their history, and that la lucha continua , the struggle continues" (Rivera 209).

No matter how much our ancestors have fought and struggle, like Rivera said "the struggle continues" it is up to the younger generations to continue. In order to continue fighting one must know of the history to better understand the situations and think of better ways to improve it. Now in the 90's some of the same issues which our early ancestors had to deal with we still have to deal with like discrimination, stereotypes, and unemployment but not as badly as they did. We need to become one instead of trying to compete with each other in order to achieve what our ancestors wanted. Our politics have gone from class politics, ethnic politic to identity politics. We need to keep fighting in order to be represented in government and for our voices to be heard.

For more information on Famous Puerto Ricans who were mentioned in Memoirs of Bernardo Vega view this web site

Bibliography

Barradas, Efrain. "How to Read Bernardo Vega" Hist. 247 Reader

Cruz, Jose E. Identity and Power: Puerto Rican Politics and the Challenge of Ethnicity. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998.

Dietz, James. "Migration and International Corporations: The Puerto Rican Model of Development" Hist. 247 Reader

Figueroa, Luis, ed. His. 247 Reader. Department of History. Trinity College. Spring 1999 edition.