Nicolette V. Cutler

Latin@s in the US

Prof. Figueroa

March 24, 1999

Colonial/ National Identity and Ethnic or Class Politics: The Puerto Rican Migration Experience

        Many think to this day that the Puerto Rican migration took place after World War II in 1945. It is true that there was a large percentage of Puerto Ricans that migrated to the United States post World War II up until the 1960’s. However, as Bernardo Vega writes about in his memoirs, there was a large Puerto Rican population already established in the United States long before 1945. In fact, Vega brings to light that there were Puerto Ricans living in the United States as far back as the 1860’s.

        There are many reasons why Puerto Ricans chose and sometimes were even forced to migrate to the United States. A popular explanation for the massive migration of Puerto Ricans to the United States was due to overpopulation in Puerto Rico and the lack of jobs available. A temporary solution was found to resolve the overpopulation problem in Puerto Rico during World War I. This was a time when there existed a labor shortage in the United States that could be filled by Puerto Rican workers. Many Puerto Ricans were transferred to the major metropolitan cities in the US to work in factories, and many also chose to migrate to the US in hopes of finding better job opportunities.

        Hartford was a particularly popular city that many Puerto Ricans chose to migrate to and is the focus of Cruz's book. Attending college in Hartford, one is able to see the poverty that exists in the city that many Puerto Ricans must face. Spencer refers to Evan Dobelle's plan to extend Trinity College into the Hartford community however, he says that although this plan could help, it could also hinder the Puerto Rican population. Spenser writes that by repairing the old houses, their value will increase and it will be hard for many Puerto Ricans to afford to live outside of Trinity if they are not able to pay what the renovated houses are worth. What is crucial in this plan is that new jobs are created so that people in the community will be able to work and continue living outside of Trinity.    

        Despite the fact that many Puerto Ricans were able to find work in the United States and live better than they had in Puerto Rico, they could never feel like this was their new "home." Faced with racism and injustice daily, the Puerto Rican population had to face the fact that they weren’t considered citizens of the United States. From 1898 until 1917, Puerto Ricans were considered citizens of "nowhere." Even though the Foraker Act in 1900 made Puerto Ricans citizens of Puerto Rico, this meant nothing to those who were living in the United States. In Memoirs of Bernardo Vega, Vega tries to explain unsuccessfully to a teacher how Puerto Ricans are not considered citizens like other ethnic groups living in the United States:

I responded by pointing out that, unlike our Hungarian and German classmates, Puerto Ricans do not really have any citizenship. Outside of Puerto Rico our natural citizenship is not recognized. Without any citizenship to give up, it would seem pretty hard for us to become American. (Vega, p.27)

        Not until 1917 were Puerto Ricans given statutory citizenship and this only applied to people born in Puerto Rico and it was given under the condition that it could be taken away at any time. Not only did Puerto Ricans face problems due to their citizenship, but they dealt with discrimination and racism daily. Camilla writes in her paper that she found Vega's book beneficial to read because it gave a first hand account of a Puerto Rican's life in the United States and how everyday life was a struggle.

        Faced with this unfair treatment, the Puerto Rican population found the motivation as a unified group to fight back in many different ways. For Vega, who grew up in the period from 1910-1940, class politics played a central role in the struggle for justice and equality for Puerto Ricans. During this time, the role of the worker was seen as an important force of power that could demand better conditions for Puerto Ricans. Throughout Vega’s memoir, he refers back to being a "tabaquero" and that within this group of workers, they found the initiative to try to change their situation. Vega writes about how the tabaqueros even created their own editorial known as Patria and in it workers were able to express their frustration with the treatment of Puerto Ricans. Even when many of the tabaqueros were without work, they stayed together and kept their honor. Vega realized that if workers banded together and agreed on a common cause, others would be forced to listen to them. Vega states in his memoirs:

That strike had a special meaning for Puerto Rican workers. An indirect result of that struggle was that many other unions came to recognize the important role that Puerto Ricans can play as workers. It was then that they began to organize Puerto Rican confectioners, bakers, hotel and restaurant employees, and workers in the needle trades. We finally began to enjoy wages and hours equal to those of workers of other nationalities. (Vega, p.114)

        Vega and other workers advocated a unified movement, like the strike, in order to bring about change in a society which did not treat Puerto Ricans as equals. According to Efrain Barradas in his article "How to Read Bernardo Vega," Barradas states that "Vega sees culture as the result of a struggle between a people and their environment…culture is a dynamic process which can change, transform and evolve upon clashing with new circumstances" (Barradas, p.323). It can be seen how Vega’s understanding of class politics could also be seen as ethnic politics because of his interpretation of culture and that people are always changing culture in response to the struggles they confront. During Vega’s generation, it was the collectivity of the workers that brought about change in the status of Puerto Ricans. Similarly, in the book Identity and Power: Puerto Rican Politics and the Challenge of Ethnicity, Jose Cruz writes about the new conditions that brought about a struggle which was centered around identity and ethnicity.

        In both Vega’s story as well as Cruz’s, there is a strong unification among Puerto Ricans as well as a common goal of being recognized as equals and not "others." Carmen Vivian Rivera refers to this idea of collectivity and working toward a common goal as companerismo. Rivera conveys that the Puerto Rican community has succeeded in making itself visible to the public and aware of their struggle. Rivera says that today there also needs to be a stronger focus on "instilling this sense of hope and passion for struggle in our youth" (Rivera, p.208), and seeing women as equal members of society in order to successfully continue the Puerto Rican effort in the United States.

        In the book written by Jose Cruz, it is evident that the idea of ethnic politics became much more prevalent and important than the main focus of class politics during Vega’s generation. According to Cruz, class politics was a challenge that the Puerto Rican community had already tackled and had been dealing with for a long time. This new shift to ethnic politics brought about the issue of gaining more Puerto Rican representation in American politics. Although ethnic politics still incorporated the idea of class politics, its goal went a step further in demanding that Puerto Ricans be granted the same governmental representation that other ethnic groups had and deserved. Cruz writes that:

Puerto Ricans used their ethnicity to weave themselves into the political fabric of the city, sometimes reacting to developments, often turning long-standing needs and aspirations into programs of political action…Ethnicity became an expression of political capability—identity claims articulated interests, and mobilization led to their satisfaction through elections, appointments, and policies. (Cruz, p.36)

        It is during this time period that many new Puerto Rican organizations like the PRPAC (Puerto Rican Political Action Committee of Connecticut) and LEAP (Legislative Electoral Action Program) were formed that emphasized Puerto Rican involvement in elections and other forms of politics. There were also groups that arose during this time that wanted Puerto Rican independence, such as the Young Lords Party and the PSP (Puerto Rican Socialist Party). In the video "Palente, Siempre Palente," the Young Lords Party was portrayed to have a very active role in the struggle for Puerto Rican independence. This group had their own newspaper and members were mainly young activists who saw the independence of Puerto Rico as a necessary step for moving forward and gaining equality.

        These organizations were influenced by events such as the Cuban Revolution, the Civil Rights Movement in the United States as well as the anti-Vietnam war movement. The high Puerto Rican casualty rate in both World War II and the Vietnam War disturbed many Puerto Ricans. They saw themselves fighting and dying for a country that did not even allow them access to the same political power as other groups. For this reason, many Puerto Ricans wanted the island of Puerto Rico to become fully independent from the United States.

        In response to the powerful efforts made by groups like LEAP and PRPAC, important political figures like Vito Mark Antonio and Nicholas Carbone emerged. This was a time when Puerto Ricans were acknowledged not only as equals in the workforce, but also given credit for having a voice in politics. This is not to say that the struggle for equality and equal representation is over, but that Puerto Ricans have been successful in mobilizing themselves as a whole to combat each new challenge that emerges.