ABSTRACTS

Rhetoric and Democracy in the Age of the Internet

 


FRIDAY, JUNE 22, 2001

First Plenary Session

Peter Elbow, "Doubting and Believing as Rhetorical Practices"

I want to start by pointing to a common and vexing problem we see in the rhetorical and reasoning practices around us: the tendency toward adversarial, either/or argumentation that is so often fruitless in terms of actual movement in thinking. I'll try to show that a good deal of trouble here comes from widespread and deeply entrenched assumptions about the nature of good reasoning itself. "Critical thinking" is a good term to sum up these assumptions--assumptions that I analyze as a "doubting game" model of good reasoning. That is, we tend to associate good thinking with skepticism, logic, the search for contradiction. Where confirmation or proof seem impossible, but disconfirmation and contradiction seem more solid or trustworthy.

I'll try to show that good reasoning and rhetorical practice require, in addition to critical thinking or the doubting game, an opposite "believing game" model. This involves not naive credulity but rather skill in being able to believe or enter into the widest range of conflicting positions. I'll explain this approach as it can be applied widely, and end by making a few suggestions for rhetorical practice during our conference.

SATURDAY, JUNE 23, 2001

Second Plenary Session

Kim Alexander, "Advancing Democracy in the 21st Century"

The computerized, Information Age we now live in brings new opportunities to advance democracy, as well as new challenges. How we inform ourselves, engage in public life, and cast ballots are fundamental aspects of democratic life that are being transformed by new technology. This transformation raises important public policy issues that merit thoughtful consideration.

How is the Internet being used to improve the way voters prepare for elections? How can we use new technology to increase voters' ability to make informed choices and vote with confidence? How does the Internet help level the political playing field and reduce the need for money in politics? Are government web sites developing into reliable public information centers, or promotional tools for politicians? How do we balance the public's right to know with an individual's right to privacy? If we are to move from paper ballots to computerized voting, does there need to be a paper trail? Can we use introduce high-tech voting without sacrificing the right to cast a secret ballot? Can a high-tech voting process maintain the transparancy and reliability needed to gain the public's trust?

This talk will focus on both the promise and pitfalls of digital democracy, and include practical recommendations for how we can apply new technology in ways that promote and advance democratic values.

 

Panel 1: CIVIL AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY (A)

Amy Aidman, "Youth, Civil Society, and the Internet"

The information revolution and the growth of the Internet have raised hopes for a genuine democratic renewal in the Digital Age. According to this vision, new interactive services, offering an abundance of information on politics, community, and culture would become a central part of a new, engaging media system. For youth, who are among the most avid users of the new media, the promise of new media technologies is particularly significant.

The Internet has already spawned a number of "civic media" projects for youth, including nonprofit Web sites and services that emphasize community building, collaboration, and participation. However, strong commercial forces are already defining both the range of content and the nature of distribution in the expanding online world. In the process, nascent noncommercial and civic services could become increasingly overshadowed by commercial interests, or could disappear from public view altogether.

This panel will present the Center for Media Education’s research on civic resources and activities available for young people on the Internet. Promising practices for youth civic involvement will be highlighted.


Panel 2: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (A)

Ann Z. Li, "Rhetorical policy analysis and collective voice as a political economy of signs"

The communitarian aims of e-democracy should be seen in the context of an increasingly problematic system of rights controversies. The discourse of cyberlaw and the rise of new forms of virtual capital in its collectivized forms ranges from electronic books and digital music to adult entertainment videos delivered over wireline and wireless network infrastructure. This media raises new challenges for democratic rights protection beyond content filtration and control concerns. The self-regulatory initiatives and privacy protection discourse continue to be appropriated and constrained by forces of exploitation and repression. This presentation will consider the libertarian challenges of electronic text censorship when the complex digital intertext is commodified and institutionalized as new objects of ekphrasis. The role of anonymity protections in an age of collectivized file sharing creates new challenges for the concept of an electronic commons. This necessitates a rhetorical analysis of public policy where property rights and a civil society reframe Habermas’ concept of a public sphere as a distributed network defined by its aporia.


David Nentwick, "The (Im?)Possibility of Democracy: Social-Epistemic Rhetoric, Computers, and the College Writing Class"

James Berlin, in Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures: Refiguring College English Studies, argues for the necessity of the guiding, contingent metanarrative of participatory democracy as the frame for "thinking and action" within which a refigured college English classroom centered around social-epistemic rhetoric operates to produce citizen subjects as critical agents of social change.

In a 1998 study, Robert Yagelski and Jeff Grabill tell us that "much of the research on uses of CMC in educational and organizational settings during the past decade or so has focused on the potential benefits of CMC," among which are: the encouragement of a sense of community, a high degree of involvement on the part of the students, more equitable participation, and the decentering of the classroom.

My argument is that it is essential to bring Berlin’s social-epistemic rhetoric to the computer mediated classroom as a tool for the critical examination of the social, political, economic, cultural, and material conditions which have given rise to computer technology and its current place in society. Such investigation not only questions the utopian moment in computer mediated writing pedagogy argued for by some scholars, but also questions the utopian moment of participatory democracy. We must ask the questions: whose "democracy" and whose "Age of the Internet" are we talking about, anyway? In this paper I ask those questions as I suggest that social-epistemic rhetoric requires the impossibility of democracy.


Panel 3: POLITICS, POWER, AND THE INTERNET (A)


Camille Krawiec Martinez, "Paz Para Vieques: Challenging the US Navy and Democracy via the Web"

This paper examines the social conflict in Vieques, Puerto Rico between Puerto Ricans and the U.S. Navy within the context of the globalizing information society. After sixty years of living with the U.S. Navy and their use of the island for bombing practice, local grassroots movements have built coalitions which have begun to use various forms of media to convey their message to the world. This study draws upon a two-year collection of media sources mediating the dispute but focuses on the use of websites by both locals and the U.S. Navy to examine the relationship of language, social movements, and democracy via this new information technology. An analysis of each web site is given and the possibilities of activism and protest via the web is examined.

Mary Leonard, "Paul Celan and the Language of Exile"

In this presentation I will talk about Paul Celan's life, and show how his work, though it was written decades before the internet, gives us an example of the kind of political rhetoric that the internet can make use of.

Paul Celan was a Holocaust poet (1920-1969) who lived in Paris, in exile from his mother tongue and from his birth country of Romania, spending his life writing and translating, putting his life back in order after surviving a labor camp and the intense guilt from his parents' death in the camp, Transnistria. Instead of being silenced by his experiences, Celan felt a deepening need to bear witness to himself, and to find a way to write that he could justify in the face of the horrors he had experienced.

As he did so, his poetry gradually evolved into a new form of the German language, a new rhetoric--one with gaps, arcane references, compounds, technical words--he took back his language that had been brutalized. This presentation will take you through the history of Celan's move to such rhetoric and show how his poetry became one that engages the reader to fill in the gaps, becoming then an act of dialogic political rhetoric that we can learn from as we explore the possibilities of the internet.


Panel 4: DEFINING DEMOCRACY IN THE 21ST CENTURY: COMMUNITY BUILDING AND POLITICAL POWER

Phil Burns, "The Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project: Building for Other Communities"

While the Intercollegiate E-Democracy Project promotes practices [to be described in my paper] that support the building of communities, their presence in IEDP discourse does not mean that students participating in the IEDP at any given time actually constitute a real community, if a real community provides the basis for non-rhetorical as well as rhetorical action for social change. For any given student, or for any given population of students, the IEDP is too transient for that. What these practices can accomplish, however, is preparation for such action that might take place within communities that already exist or that might be built beyond the IEDP. The IEDP is a revolving door, a door through which students enter from and exit to their various communities within the greater public sphere. And what they experience as community-building, including the rhetorical skills they develop and practice within the IEDP, can be taken back to those established (or prospective) communities that are much more conducive to concerted action. IEDP students’ relationship to community is thus one of apprenticeship, or, to change the metaphor, the imagined community of the IEDP is a crucible where subjective agents are formed, or where political subjectivities are at least tried on, tried out, or otherwise tested for subsequent participation in democratic communities where real change may be possible.

Corey Dolgon, "The Work of Community in the Age of Post-Industrial Production: Stories From the Shop Floor"

At a moment when everyone from politicians and free-traders to educators and philosophers touts the information super-highway as a potential panacea for global civilization, it might do us all well to remember Benjamin’s warning that "there is no document of civilization which is not at the same time a document of barbarism….A historical materialist therefore dissociates himself from it as far as possible. [It is] his task to brush history against the grain." In the maturing industrial age of production, human identity, as represented and composed by art, faced great opportunities and challenges. For Benjamin, the advent of film and photography promised to decentralize and, maybe even democratize, the project of ideology, but they also harbored the strong possibility of promoting fascism. Amidst the ruins of traditional cultures and identities lay a new social frontier that was just as likely to be filled by new oppressions and inhumanities as it would be new visions of democracy and justice. As we enter a new, maturing age of post-industrial production, it seems we might keep in mind these same possibilities.

In this paper, I want to argue that the contemporary economic and cultural moment has created a new period where traditional social and political identities are shifting rapidly. Nowhere in so-called ‘first-world’ nations do these dynamics appear more clear than on College campuses where the historical mission of transmitting cultural unity and class privileges have been displaced by economistic utilitarianism and social fragmentation. As Bill Readings has argued in The University in Ruins, "the contemporary university is busily transforming itself from an ideological arm of the state into a bureaucratically organized and relatively autonomous consumer-oriented corporation." The loss of previous unifying principles has created an institutional crisis of purpose which, for most, has been manipulated by private interests to circumscribe everything from administrative practices to academic curriculum inside of a corporate hegemony. In most cases, higher education has been hi-jacked by big business. While there may have been other counter narratives to the patriarchal and eurocentric modernist university (multiculturalism, community service learning and experiential education, etc.), even they must now adapt to the language of entrepreneurialism and market values. Thus, the progressive potential of new campus institutional and discursive formations, as well as technological practices and the technologies themselves, are powerfully being re-inscribed with a new, dominant ideology of post-industrial, post-Fordist, and Post-modern capitalism.

Yet, I also study the work of a small coalition of college custodians, students, faculty, and local residents who came together to protest the custodial unit’s outsourcing. In doing this, their coalition produced an alternative site within the university that promoted an oppositional narrative and set of cultural values. Based in a shared sense of commitment and mutual interests, many of the group’s participants talked about community and identity in ways that challenged the college’s market-based decisions and discourse. I want to conclude this paper by offering this coalition’s activities as a model of contemporary organizing and experiential education. Far from the glories of cyberspace, the real possibilities for liberatory learning and visionary thinking came from the powerful and prolonged interpersonal dynamics of long meetings, confrontational demonstrations, and celebratory functions. And unlike traditional community service learning and internship projects, this practical political engagement forced students to think critically about issues of "community" and "service." It also forced custodians and other coalition members to rethink class, race, and ethnic affiliations and identities. In essence, this struggle provided a source for new stories about what community and collective identity might be in the age of post-mechanical reproduction.


Leda Cooks, "Living and Dying On-Line: Marking Identity and Community on the Panama-L listserve"

This paper explores the construction and negotiation of both physical and virtual community identification on line. The focus of the research is on the rituals that mark membership, celebrate life events, and grieve the death of community members in the on-line national listserv for Panama, Panama-l. Each time a member puts forth rules for participating in discussion, notes the birth of a child, marriage or grieves the loss of a loved one, they enter into a discourse that creates and maintains an on-line community even as it solidifies the (already understood) existence of a community centered around the physical (and imagined) national space of Panama The paper uses both ethnographic and textual analysis to analyze the discourses that ritualize this long-standing (and ever-changing) community.


Panel 5: THE INTERNET, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE CLASSROOM (A)

Linda K. Shamoon, "In Search of a Theoretical Frame for Public Deliberation on the Internet: Suggestions from the Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project"

Certainly one of the earliest and continuing hopes for the internet is the reinvigoration of citizen-to-citizen public political discussion and the increased participation of "ordinary" people in civic and public life. This was certainly the hope of the earliest civic network projects, such as PEN in Santa Monica, and those in Glendale and Pasadena, and also the hope of those of us who teach in the Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project. Our hope is that by creating a venue for students in different classes around the country to debate issues of public and social concern, our students' knowledge, understanding, and public involvement in such issues will deepen. In the public projects, however, the poor or even destructive quality of the discourse undermined some of those early efforts, and in our classrooms the students' internet exchanges often do not lead them to an increase in their commitment or understanding of an engaged public life. Why do these public discussion projects sometimes fall far short of their goals?

Part of the answer comes from the fact that those of us engaged in this complex undertaking paid more attention to issues of access to technology than to the often difficult nature of public deliberation in most venues but most especially on the internet. Internet-mediated conversation can be disjointed, inane, or even destructive. In this regard, however, the research of James Bohman on the nature of public deliberation offers a helpful starting point for us to rethink our efforts. In Bohman's scheme the key to successful public deliberation hinges on an array of "crucial discourse moments" that are nurtured by widespread "up-take" of freely shared concerns, as well as the slow and dialogical accumulation a public interpretation of complex issues, the opportunity for self-disclosure (changes of understanding), the self-monitoring of the discussion, and a vastly increased tolerance for critical, alternative, and contrary voices. These factors, argues Bohman, create a public discourse which is, in itself, the realization of a deliberative democracy. Capturing these factors within civic network technologies and within our teaching offers an interesting pathway to more successful public deliberation.

Some of Bohman's factors (such as the easy opportunity to respond to others' statements and the inherent publicness of that exchange) are already embedded in the technology of email or web forums. Other aspects of the technology, however, and of our teaching seem to undermine the deliberative process. These other aspects include the rapidity with which replies can be initiated and created, the unlimited amount of repetition of the same material, the lack of smooth access to and integration of new information into the forum, the disconnect between the internet venue and

other opportunities for public expression or for meaningful action, and so on. These conditions (and more) insure "off-the-top" responses that undermine deliberation, as well as undermine the belief that public discussion can "get some place" or have a real-world effect. Yet, it may be that many of these current liabilities could be corrected by a technology that is _designed_ to encourage crucial discourse moments. In addition, those of us in education projects like the IEDP must find ways to make effective dialogical and deliberative skills integral to the teaching of writing and rhetoric.


Kevin Eric De Pew, "Constructing Cybersubjectivities: The Responsible Rhetor in The Online Public Commons"


The question, "Where do you want to go today?"--a question asked in Microsoft's advertisements--implicitly promises to transport the individual to anyplace in the world, universe, or imagination that individual that the individual wants to go. Likewise, it assumes that computer technologies have the capability of transforming the individual into whoever the individual wants to be--sans race, ethnicity, gender and other marking characteristics. For many scholars, the construction of these cybersubjectivities raises questions about the veracity of our online experiences. Although these deliberations illuminate cybercitizenry's effects on the online public common as well as the real life public common, this scholarship assumes an effortless transition from the real environment to the virtual realm. As a result, these scholars overlook the rhetorical communicative process that constructing one's cybersubjectivity entails. In this presentation, the speaker will argue that scholarship about cybersubjectivities needs to be grounded in rhetorical and sociolinguistic theory. After explaining the problematic nature of the current theory, the speaker will present the implications of developing a rhetorically sound cybercitizenry and strategies for incorporating this rhetorical process into the classroom.


Heidi McKee, "Regional Audiences, Regional Identities: Ideological Differences in Students' Online Civic Discourse"

My colleagues and I studied online postings by students from two distinctly different geographical regions of the U.S. (Wyoming and the Northeast) who participated in the Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project, an on-going project enabling students from across the country to participate in online discussion forums. In the forums, students discuss current political and social issues and are challenged to negotiate many issues of difference.

During the Spring of 2000, we noticed that one of the most recurring ideological differences and difficulties occurred because of the conflicting views caused by the more liberal views of the East Coast students and our Wyoming students' own Western conservative libertarianism. Based on discursive analysis of students' postings and interviews with our students (unfortunately we were not able to interview the Northeastern students), we conclude that the discussion between the Wyoming students and the Northeastern students failed to develop beyond clearly drawn regional differences because (1) the students were immersed in unexamined subject positions; (2) the students viewed the goal of the IEDP to be persuasive rather than deliberative (Burns); and (3) students were unable to identify and address the points of stasis in their discussions (Carter). In our examination of what we as instructors could do differently to promote more deliberative discourse and to increase students' self-reflexivity of their cultural positioning, we draw upon interviews and class assignments with IEDP student participants from Massachusetts and Wyoming in the Spring 2001.


Panel 6: CIVIL AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY (B)

Stephen A. Klien, "Public character and citizen agency: Promoting civil society (or not) in political rhetoric"

The American public has a complicated relationship with "the character issue" in politics. On the one hand, we seem obsessed with examining the character flaws of public figures in our media and in our discussions of politics. On the other hand, public opinion polls have often provided evidence that we subordinate "the character issue" to other "issues that matter"—effective policymaking, leadership, economic conditions, and so on—when expressing our preferences regarding election decisions or the public agenda. In short, we are drawn to the spectacle of "character" while we often deem it irrelevant to governance.

An explanation for this condition might be in our common understanding of "character" as dealing with the personal morality of public figures, expressed in their minds, hearts, words and behavior. However, a very different understanding of character—one from the perspective of rhetoric—can be gleaned from an examination of the relationship between rhetorical performance, ethos and civic community. I suggest that we reexamine "public character" as the rhetorical constitution of political agency. Any performance of political rhetoric enacts two related dimensions of ideal public character: "ideological worldview" (our sense of how the political world works, and the possibilities for action within it) and "civic relationships" (our sense of how we can—and should—establish relationships with other people within and outside of our community). Political rhetors, in short, constitute examples of political principles and norms for action that the public audience in encouraged to learn from, accept and emulate. Public character can thus promote a range of possible models of public life, from passive, disengaged spectatorship to active, engaged community citizenship.

Understanding public character in this manner provides a helpful resource for critics and teachers of political rhetoric—as well as for public persons sensitized to this concept through civic-oriented education—to locate and evaluate the ideological and ethical implications of political communication. The rhetorical performances of politicians, public advocates, news media sources and so on can all be examined in terms of how the performance promotes (or impedes) the agency norms of a civil society: open, democratic and critical discussion and action on the part of active, engaged citizens that privileges the best interests of the community.

William Keith, "Face to face with Participatory Democracy: Lessons from the Forum Movement, 1920-1940"

The electronic democracy movement today finds itself in much the same position as Progressive political reformers: In an environment perceived to be dominated by corporate and monied interests, new technologies and new institutions appear to be the hope for a reinvigorated democratic life. Yet, even without Walter Lippman present, we face an avalanche of cynicism.

In fact, we can learn much from the experiences of these reformers, especially those in the Forum Movement. This was a movement that grew from the 1910s to peak in the late 1930s with the Federal Forum Project. Forums had various forms and goals, but they were typically understood as a method for both enacting and expressing American Democracy in spite of the difficulties posed by the size and diversity of the US, as well as means for promoting Dewey’s agenda of exporting democratic forms to all areas of life.

This paper will briefly describe the Forum Movement, and the Discussion Movement, the successor to debate as the fundamental democratic skill. It will then try to sort out the obstacles faced by the Forum Movement, the solutions they tried, and the lessons for electronic democracy in what worked and what didn’t, paying special attention to their use of new technologies and how they defined democracy.

Vivian B. Martin, "Journalism, the Internet, and the Rhetoric of Snideness"


How does one begin to have a rational discussion with someone who sends an e-mail with a subject header that says "socialist scum" or hurls more personal insults? That's the question I have when readers send such missives in response to my bi-weekly op-ed column. There's sometimes even a snideness in e-mails that might have been intended as supportive, or at least neutral. Because of these and other rhetorical shortcomings that can make sustained dialogue between people of opposing worldviews impossible, Americans may miss opportunities to utilize new communication technologies to expand democracy for themselves. As I will discuss, it's not just the

discourse of ordinary citizens that is of concern. Journalists and commentators working in new and traditional media employ a rhetoric of snideness. Some new media pioneers exalt snideness and "attitude" in general as effective writing strategies for the Internet in particular. I see these tendencies as problematic for journalism and the republic.


Panel 7: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (B)


Christopher Schroeder, "Electronic Literacies and the Crisis of Legitimacy"

In ReInventing the University and elsewhere, I argue that the crisis of postsecondary education in the United States is less a crisis of literacy and more a crisis in meaning and education in a postmodern society. As the latest census figures attest, the country is more diverse than ever, and yet within the academy, a universalized literacy and culture attempt to serve the same function that they served in a more homogeneous institution, which has been disappearing since the nineteenth century. From this perspective, I would reverse a presupposition of the CFP by arguing not only that we have a responsibility to prepare students to be "active citizens for e-democracy" but also that we can exploit electronic literacies and cultures as a way of reducing the very conditions that give rise to these crises in meaning and education. In my paper, I outline my argument about the legitimacy crises in colleges and universities and illustrate ways that electronic literacies not only prepare students for e-democracy but potentially resolve the crisis that critics have mistakenly call a crisis in literacy. Only through a partnership between social expectations and educational practices can we can invigorate both classrooms and citizens toward a democratic polis.

Jeanne Ekdahl, "Conversation, Anyone?"

One of the intentions of the IEDP is allow students "to participate interactively in public discussion and debate" which to many means to encourage our students to engage in deliberative dialog on issues of substance. Often, though, students in the IEDP and other online forums seem to engage in a sort of speechifying. In these cases, the student writes a post, which may either introduce a new topic or be responsive to prior posts and which may, in fact, evoke a great deal of response from other students, but then the writer never revisits the thread. There are often, as well, posts to which no one responds. One wonders if they are read at all! Finally, in spite of the fact that the students in an online forum have, theoretically at least, a real audience, they often don't seem to evince any sense of either audience or purpose in their participation.

This exploratory discussion will address this issue from both a theoretical and practical point of view. Participants will discuss the core issues involved in developing real interactive communication in e-communication and will then, if possible, move from theoretical to pedagogical and methodological issues and solutions.


Panel 8: POLITICS, POWER, AND THE INTERNET (B)

Christopher M Porter, "The Political Dot Com Meltdown. Why?"

In an era where the internet continues to permeate all aspects of our society, why have so many political internet sites failed? Was it bad business economics, or bad market analysis? Is there a marketplace for politics on the internet, and if so, what does it look like?

This discussion, moderated by Christopher Porter, CEO of www.YourCongress.com, examines case studies of two thriving internet political sites (Grassroots.com, Calvoter.org) and two sites which failed (Voter.com, Politics.com). By moving beyond traditional discourse on politics and the internet, the recent dot com meltdown, and other contemporary topics, this discussion looks squarely at the question of "What do American people want from politics and the internet, and can it be given to them?"

The Political Dot Com Meltdown holds lessons for all people who are interested in politics and the internet, and their experiences are worth examining as teachers, students, researchers, journalists, and advocates try to deduce American politics and the internet in the 21st Century.

Andy Hasse, "ICANN and the Contras: The loss of Constitutional Rights online"


The paper will address the political use of the Internet and the loss of Constitutional Rights online. A case study of a current domain name rights case, as well as an analysis of ICANN (The International Corporation for the Assignment of Names and Numbers) and WIPO (The World Intellectual Property Organization) will be presented.

Related topics of the use of the Internet in political campaigns and general use statistics will also be covered.


Panel 9: THE INTERNET, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE CLASSROOM (B)

Mark Mullen, "Too Much Information! Web-based Courseware and Classroom Surveillance"

Rhetoric and composition teachers continually emphasize the value of audience awareness in the teaching of writing. To move students beyond simply writing for the teacher, many composition instructors involve students in writing for an expanded public that can range from the rest of the class, to the wider campus community and beyond. Courseware packages such as Blackboard, WebCT and Prometheus, have facilitated the ability to address an expanded public through, amongst other things, the fusion of discussion lists, file exchange, and real-time chat, and have thus offered significant enhancements to writing instruction for many teachers.

These same packages, however, are also designed to serve as sets of administrative tools. Many of the administrative features contaminate the pedagogical integrity of these packages by bringing a level of surveillance to the scene of writing instruction that beggars even the most extreme visions of the classroom as a disciplinary apparatus. Instructors can tell when their students posted work and sometimes from what location, how many times students have accessed the course website, and what materials they read, amongst other things. As the use of these courseware packages for writing instruction becomes more widespread, they threaten to undermine the very notion of a democratic public sphere central to much contemporary rhetoric and composition theory. Indeed the confusion of the administrative with the pedagogical moves us toward the surveillance model of educational technology that is all too common in the business world.

Clyde Moneyhun, "‘A Desire to Foster the General Welfare’: Technoliteracy and Cybercitizenship"

The exercise of fully literate citizenship has not kept pace with the extension of citizenship rights to more and more groups across the centuries. Access to literacy skills, published texts, and now electronic media has always been uneven, contributing to the creation of a literate elite whose "citizenship" is more powerful than that of others. Some foresee increased democratization in the proliferation of electronic information media, particularly the World Wide Web. While this is possible, we are more likely to see the same literacy gap that has characterized other technologies. De facto disfranchisement is likely to continue for many, and perhaps increase, even as technoliteracy enhances the citizenship of others. Democratic enfranchisement by means of the new electronic information media is not a given, but must be pursued as a political and educational goal.

I teach a research and argumentation class as an exercise is cybercitizenship. Points of departure are websites such as the Library of Congress’s "Thomas," which make details of Congressional business available to average citizens, and private websites such as Vote Smart, which offer openly partisan assessments of political events. I will share writing assignments and examples of student writing. I will also discuss both the sense of empowerment some students report that they feel as a result of this practice of citizenship, and also the perpetuation, even in such a controlled environment, of power inequities in technoliteracy among the students.

Judy Arzt, "Public Discourse in the Digital Age: Reconfiguring College Teaching"


Engaging students in Web-site and online-discussion projects creates opportunities for expanding audience and purpose. These forms of electronic writing complement collaborative learning, post-modernism, and social constructivism. Reviews and position papers beckon for an audience, and placing such writing on Web sites serves a public purpose. When students publish their writing on the Web, they become public ambassadors and maverick voices—participating in free speech and responsible citizenship. Electronic discussion boards enable exploring controversial issues, writing for a diverse audience, and discovering ways to engage readers. Placing an email link on posts and Web sites invites reader response, resulting in additional writer input—making writing cyclical and interactive. Opportunities for online public discourse exist in an array of disciplines; in education classes, lesson plans and critiques of instructional material can be published on class and individual Web sites. In the age of the Internet and electronic discussion boards, occasions for embracing public discourse as a pedagogical approach are endless. We need to explore the possibilities and expand our syllabi so students experience writing, learning, and communicating as engaging, lively, participatory acts. This session examines theory related to online writing and describes classroom practices with Web authoring and online discussions that promoted writing as a form of public discourse.



Panel 10: INFORMATION AND THE INTERNET

Cindy Butos and Bob Peltier, "Misunderestimating the Internet: Information and Disinformation on the World Wide Web"

Critical evaluation of political and media websites is becoming an increasingly important aspect of teaching civic literacy to students. Every year, first-year students arrive on college campuses with higher and higher levels of technological proficiency and more and more unrealistic expectations about what the Web offers them. Attracted by its convenience, they tend to rely too heavily, and often exclusively, on it in their research. Lulled by the homogenous look of Web information, they fail to discriminate among the kinds and quality of information that they find.

By demonstrating techniques of website evaluation and suggesting ways to build assignments that encourage critical reflection and turn the Web into a powerful learning resource, two college writing instructors will address these questions: How well do typical secondary students and undergraduates use the World Wide Web and for what purposes? How well do they understand the strengths and limitations of this new technology?


Emil Coman, "Searching Online: Impact of the Accessibility of Information on Internet Users"

This paper addresses the impact of the accessibility of Web pages on the Internet users. We will measure Internet users’ assessment of the credibility and bias of online resources.

Our argument is that responsible consumption of online persuasive messages requires more critical evaluative skills than "old" media, which are not necessarily available, and therefore the mere rank ordering of the Web sites in a search engine result list has a major impact on them.

We will expose subjects to a previously chosen list of modified web sites addressing a debatable issue and ask them to assess both their credibility and bias on that matter. An initial questionnaire will be administered in order to measure the subjects’ attitude toward the chosen issue.

To prove that the perceived source credibility and bias is influenced more by the mere rank ordering of the results in a search engine list than the actual messages, pro and con groups of subjects will be exposed to three distinct lists, one with the pro and con sites alternating and two with them clustered. We expect that within each attitudinal group (pro and con) we will found differences in the appraisal of both credibility and bias of the "visited" web sites, which will correlate with both the rank order of the Web sites as well as with the manner of presentation (mixed versus clustered).


Third Plenary Session

Paul Lauter, "Technology, Power, Democracy"

I began a decade or so ago as something of a partisan for the application of computer technologies, and especially the internet, to educational goals. I was, in fact, co-project director with Randy Bass for an Annenberg grant that helped establish the Crossroads project of the American Studies Association. And as the general editor of the Heath Anthology of American Literature I promoted the development of what is by far the most advanced and--I think it’s fair to say--interesting web site associated with such an anthology. I continue to believe in the usefulness of such technologies for teaching and, I hope, for learning as well, and I have devoted a good deal of time and energy to developing the Heath web site as well as to applying certain internet-based discussion technologies to my classes.

But over the years I have come to be more skeptical about the impact of electronic technologies, especially as these are deployed outside but also to an extent within the academy. Indeed, I have come to feel increasingly that there are fundamental contradictions between the control of such technologies and the uses to which they are being put, on the one hand, and democracy, on the other. I want to try saying why.


Featured Panel

Carl Bernstein, Justin Dangel, Ben Todd, and Don McLagan:

"eDemocracy: Friend, Foe, or Fizzle?"

Don McLagan will moderate a lively, interactive discussion involving conference participants and journalist Carl Bernstein, Voter.com founder Justin Dangel, and Smart Neighborhood project director Ben Todd. Lots of Q & A!

 

SUNDAY, JUNE 24, 2001


Panel 11: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (C)

Jeffrey Parker, "Hypertext Authoring/Internet Culture"

In 1987, Russell Jacoby expressed concern over the disappearance of the public intellectual in his book: The last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe. Jacoby points to the pressures and demands of a capitalist marketplace as well as to a variety of ideological shifts that determine the potential for critical discourse. This reshaping of intellectual and creative forums resulted in a reduction of, and in some cases, the virtual elimination of many of the options available for both scholarly and creative publication.

Taking Jacoby’s perspective as my starting point, this paper will examine the ways in which developments in hypertext as a serious authoring tool, and the availability of the Internet as an avenue for scholarly and creative publication offers a new territory for experiment and re-invention that will not only radically alter previous authoring strategies, but will also de-stabilize the relationship between reader and text through a process of interactions between writer and reader. This interactivity will, among other things, fundamentally alter traditional definitions of authorship as ownership of a "specific" text. In my argument, I will pay particular attention to the construction of fictional identities by author and reader made possible by various electronic environments such as MOOs and other interactive venues and how this process might re-invent and expand the potential for public, critical, and scholarly discourse.

Mark Kosinski, "Papier-mache Jeremiah and the New Technophobia"

A distinct and powerful outlook has recently emerged that attacks the new electronic technology, what I believe constitutes a new version of the jeremiad. This new jeremiad has developed a style to match its substance. It conveys its hostility to the new technology in a distinctive manner. It strikes a distinctive attitude. In short, the form and tone of its discourse reveal its character and accounts for its compelling emergence in the marketplace of ideas.

This presentation will examine representative examples of this new critique of technology, and the specific style and ways of giving name and meaning to the new technology’s shortcomings and the rhetorical modes it deploys to depict those shortcomings.

Five representational figures will be examined. First Neil Postman, communications theorist and NYU professor and the author of two explosive critiques of the new electronic technology (Amusing Ourselves to Death and Technopoly). Theodore Roszak, a California State history professor, author of The Cult of Information. Kirkpatrick Sale’s chronicle of the rise of the luddites and their war against technology in Rebels Against the Future. Followed by Mark Slouka who questions the value of cyberspace in War of the Worlds, and Clifford Stoll’s assault on computers in the classroom in High-Tech Heretic.

Finally, this presentation will assess how these figures make some effort to articulate principles and relate specific questions to general ideas. At the same time, acknowledging that as jeremiads they may exhibit a formidable display of rhetorical devices, but not always hold up under critical scrutiny.

Peter Adamy, "Democracy and Technology in Education: Approaching Equity through Action"

The theories of technological determinism and technological instrumentalism are not often referenced in discussions of the effects of technology in education. While government leaders have recently invoked the notion of a "digital divide" between racially and economically diverse students and schools, as well as the importance of narrowing the gap between technological "have’s" and "have not’s", the discussions have rarely gone below the surface-level veneer of racism and democracy. The proposed paper and conference session present the argument that the introduction of computer technology into our educational system has created a host of issues, both determinist and instrumentalist. If the promise of a level-playing field through education remains our goal, the distribution and use of any tools in teaching and learning must be guided by a thorough understanding of these issues. Further, it is argued that the conceptual framework of the critical theorist is perhaps the best way to move beyond abstract discussions of race and equality to achieving positive action towards appropriate use of and equitable access to technological resources in education.


Panel 12: POLITICS, POWER, AND THE INTERNET (C)

Yukinori Ishikawa, "Can Japan Give Democracy a Second Chance?"

After a decade of economic slump and political paralysis, Japan is in trouble. As many point out, lack of leadership is to blame. But Japanese citizens must accept responsibility as well. The reality is that Japan is in a poor state of democracy.

A culture of argument is an essential ingredient of democracy. In Japan, however, it hardly exists as argument tends to be shunned in favor of group conformity. A democracy without democratic culture, Japan needs cultural evolution, not an autocrat. To this end, the Internet can play a key role by staging virtual town meetings where citizens learn the basics of deliberative democracy.

Experiments are under way. The 21st Century Public Policy Institute hosts a town-meeting site on the Web, and works with a major national newspaper in conducting online discussion under a different format. With assistance from the think-tank Mie prefecture (state) plans on building a virtual public commons for democracy – perhaps the first of its kind by a local government – for its 1.86 million people.

The goal of this paper is twofold. First, we will show why democracy in Japan is dysfunctional. Secondly, we will discuss how the Internet can be instrumental in reshaping democracy. Some of the above initiatives will be examined in detail.

Orayb Najjar, "Activism and Protest in the New Palestinian Public Square in the Age of the Internet"


Until the early 1990s, the news narrative about Arab world was monopolized by foreign news agencies (Reuters, AP, UPI, AFP). All that has changed due to: 1) The adoption of new technology that turned some Arab countries into content providers via satellite; 2) The reliance of Arab satellite stations on Palestinian correspondents to cover the West Bank and Gaza, giving Palestinians a regional broadcast voice they never had; 3) The establishment of (40) local PRIVATE mom-and-pop Palestinian radio and TV stations since 1994, in a region of one government TV or radio station per state; 4) The growing reliance on the Internet by the Palestinian media as well as by non-governmental and human rights organizations.

The paper will describe this changed media environment and then answer the following questions:

1. How has the culture of human rights in the West Bank been enhanced by the use of new technology and the Internet?

2. How do Arabs and Israelis use the Internet to make their political claims? How has the battle between Arab and Israeli hackers been globalized?


Panel 13: "COMMUNITY" ON AND OFF THE INTERNET

Leda Cooks and Erica Scharrer, "Are we a community yet? The formation of community in Community Service Learning"

Community Service Learning (CSL) as an idea and a movement in higher education has grown exponentially in the past decade. While much of the impetus for the movement could be seen as a growing need for and interest in civic engagement, few scholars have explored the ways in which in the majority of cases CSL is actually an intercultural experience. Oftentimes, in CSL the experience is one in which people from very different backgrounds attempt to come together to improve the quality of life for groups of people that are part of some community (not likely their own). Therefore, much of the learning that takes place (on the part of students) is around the encountering of their own thought systems and categories and the negotiation of differences. Whether such learning is always or already community learning is the question that guides this research. This paper explores the formation and negotiation of community in Community Service Learning classes and projects through discussing how people reference their own communities and how they integrate or translate that knowledge to the CSL context.

Through observation and interviews with students and community partners, we will first analyze how partners in CSL reference community (whether the partnership is physically located in a community or on-line) and if those references change through the course of their projects. Then, we look toward the implications for representing community learning across racial, sexual, economic, cultural and geographic (conducting on-line partnerships) differences.


Panel 14: THE INTERNET, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE CLASSROOM (C)

Betsy A. Bowen, "Social Advocacy on the Web: Teaching Students to Participate"

Students frequently enter my upper-level "Persuasive Writing" course certain of two things: that argument is solitary and that it is adversarial. Throughout the semester I try to expand their notion of argument to include its civic dimension—that is, ways in which argument can promote (or detract from) what Robert Putnam (1995) calls "civic engagement and social connectedness." In doing so we attempt to adapt the classical ideal of "the good man speaking well"—an ideal that was intimately connected to civic life—to new contexts and new technology.

As part of this effort students critique and create social advocacy Web pages. They begin by reading about the special visual and rhetorical features of writing for electronic media. (See, for example, Haas, 1996). Then each student selects and critiques a professionally designed social advocacy Web site. Finally each student creates a Web page supporting a social cause of their choice. This semester only two of the fifteen students had any prior experience creating Web pages, but all found the task manageable. We went through the same cycle of activities with this task as with other, more traditional persuasive tasks: analyzing the intended audience; planning and drafting the text; reviewing a draft of the Web page with peers. By the end of the exercise students had not only used their persuasive skills to advance a social cause, but they had become creators, not just consumers, of Web-based material.

Beth Browning Jacobs, "Teaching Dialogic Democracy in the Classroom"

Democracy in the age of the internet demands of its citizens a kind of literacy not previously explored in the college writing curriculum. This engaged and dialogic literacy makes students the actors and makers of their own educational content. In enabling students as active knowledge-makers, we thus empower students as active future

participants in the democratic process. This paper will explore ways in which we, in dialogue with students, can teach knowledge-making via the Internet and film as tools to become actively involved with critical social issues. The paper relies for theoretical grounding on Bakhtin's notion of the dialogic.

An example classroom situation will be presented involving the teaching of democracy in action. The situation involves having students become involved in a freedom of speech case via a recent documentary film. The students do Internet research, correspond with the principals of the case, do law research, and write letters and papers on the topic. As an exercise in pedagogical democracy, this pedagogy demands that students make many decisions and engage in dialogue with each other and with the professor about the progress of the class. This classroom process becomes itself a self-reflexive model for the dialogic democracy we are discussing.

Concluding Plenary Session

Michael Cornfield, "Online Politics in America: What It Is. What Democracy Needs. Where Things Stand."

The Internet brings limitlessness, interactivity, scalability, and cybernetics into social and political communications. These qualities seem likely to endure even as the technology of the Internet evolves, and the existing trio of online media (The Web, E-mail, Instant Messaging) converge, diverge, multiply, or expire. Understanding "e-politics" and fostering "e-democracy" depend on a basic appreciation for them.

It follows that a technology-sensitive agenda for those interested in the promotion of online democracy in campaign politics has four outstanding challenges:

• How can politicians speak in a limitless environment, where the default status of any public remark is "available?" (The Netoric Challenge)

• What kind of forums can attract the serious involvement of politicians, citizens, and media organizations, such that public deliberation can take advantage of interactivity? (The Interactive Forum Challenge)

• Now that scalability makes it all too easy to shift messages among personal, local, regional, and global dimensions, what happens to the classic democratic problems associated with scale: privacy, provincialism, nationalism, and civic disengagement? (The Digital Federalism Challenge)

• How do we cultivate a sensible approach to public opinion feedback, now that cybernetics makes it possible to optimize an issue position instantaneously and automatically? (The Direct Democracy Challenge)

Each of these challenges will be illustrated through brief reports from the current public affairs scene. The talk closes with reflections on the metaphoric timelines we use to orient ourselves to the early history of online politics and democracy.


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