ABSTRACTS
Rhetoric and Democracy in the Age of the Internet
FRIDAY, JUNE 22, 2001
First Plenary Session
Peter Elbow, "Doubting and Believing as Rhetorical Practices"
I want to start by pointing to a common and vexing problem we see in the rhetorical and reasoning practices around us: the tendency toward adversarial, either/or argumentation that is so often fruitless in terms of actual movement in thinking. I'll try to show that a good deal of trouble here comes from widespread and deeply entrenched assumptions about the nature of good reasoning itself. "Critical thinking" is a good term to sum up these assumptions--assumptions that I analyze as a "doubting game" model of good reasoning. That is, we tend to associate good thinking with skepticism, logic, the search for contradiction. Where confirmation or proof seem impossible, but disconfirmation and contradiction seem more solid or trustworthy.
I'll try to show that good reasoning and rhetorical
practice require, in addition to critical thinking or the doubting game, an
opposite "believing game" model. This involves not naive credulity but
rather skill in being able to believe or enter into the widest range of
conflicting positions. I'll explain this approach as it can be applied widely,
and end by making a few suggestions for rhetorical practice during our
conference.
SATURDAY, JUNE 23, 2001
Second Plenary Session
Kim Alexander, "Advancing Democracy in the 21st Century"
The computerized, Information Age we now live in brings new opportunities to advance democracy, as well as new challenges. How we inform ourselves, engage in public life, and cast ballots are fundamental aspects of democratic life that are being transformed by new technology. This transformation raises important public policy issues that merit thoughtful consideration.
How is the Internet being used to improve the way voters prepare for elections? How can we use new technology to increase voters' ability to make informed choices and vote with confidence? How does the Internet help level the political playing field and reduce the need for money in politics? Are government web sites developing into reliable public information centers, or promotional tools for politicians? How do we balance the public's right to know with an individual's right to privacy? If we are to move from paper ballots to computerized voting, does there need to be a paper trail? Can we use introduce high-tech voting without sacrificing the right to cast a secret ballot? Can a high-tech voting process maintain the transparancy and reliability needed to gain the public's trust?
This talk will focus on both the promise and pitfalls of digital democracy, and include practical recommendations for how we can apply new technology in ways that promote and advance democratic values.
Panel 1: CIVIL AND DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY (A)
Amy Aidman, "Youth, Civil Society, and the
Internet"
The information revolution and the growth of the Internet have raised hopes for a genuine democratic renewal in the Digital Age. According to this vision, new interactive services, offering an abundance of information on politics, community, and culture would become a central part of a new, engaging media system. For youth, who are among the most avid users of the new media, the promise of new media technologies is particularly significant.
The Internet has already spawned a number of "civic media" projects for youth, including nonprofit Web sites and services that emphasize community building, collaboration, and participation. However, strong commercial forces are already defining both the range of content and the nature of distribution in the expanding online world. In the process, nascent noncommercial and civic services could become increasingly overshadowed by commercial interests, or could disappear from public view altogether.
This panel will present the Center for Media Education’s research on civic resources and activities available for young people on the Internet. Promising practices for youth civic involvement will be highlighted.
Panel 2: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (A)
Ann Z. Li, "Rhetorical policy analysis and collective voice as a
political economy of signs"
David Nentwick, "The (Im?)Possibility of Democracy: Social-Epistemic
Rhetoric, Computers, and the College Writing Class"
James Berlin, in Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures: Refiguring College English Studies, argues for the necessity of the guiding, contingent metanarrative of participatory democracy as the frame for "thinking and action" within which a refigured college English classroom centered around social-epistemic rhetoric operates to produce citizen subjects as critical agents of social change.
In a 1998 study, Robert Yagelski and Jeff Grabill tell us that "much of the research on uses of CMC in educational and organizational settings during the past decade or so has focused on the potential benefits of CMC," among which are: the encouragement of a sense of community, a high degree of involvement on the part of the students, more equitable participation, and the decentering of the classroom.
My argument is that it is essential to bring Berlin’s
social-epistemic rhetoric to the computer mediated classroom as a tool for the
critical examination of the social, political, economic, cultural, and material
conditions which have given rise to computer technology and its current place in
society. Such investigation not only questions the utopian moment in computer
mediated writing pedagogy argued for by some scholars, but also questions the
utopian moment of participatory democracy. We must ask the questions: whose
"democracy" and whose "Age of the Internet" are we talking
about, anyway? In this paper I ask those questions as I suggest that
social-epistemic rhetoric requires the impossibility of democracy.
This paper examines the social conflict in Vieques, Puerto Rico between Puerto Ricans and the U.S. Navy within the context of the globalizing information society. After sixty years of living with the U.S. Navy and their use of the island for bombing practice, local grassroots movements have built coalitions which have begun to use various forms of media to convey their message to the world. This study draws upon a two-year collection of media sources mediating the dispute but focuses on the use of websites by both locals and the U.S. Navy to examine the relationship of language, social movements, and democracy via this new information technology. An analysis of each web site is given and the possibilities of activism and protest via the web is examined.
Mary Leonard, "Paul Celan and the Language of Exile"
Paul Celan was a Holocaust poet (1920-1969) who lived in Paris, in exile from his mother tongue and from his birth country of Romania, spending his life writing and translating, putting his life back in order after surviving a labor camp and the intense guilt from his parents' death in the camp, Transnistria. Instead of being silenced by his
experiences, Celan felt a deepening need to bear witness to himself, and to find a way to write that he could justify in the face of the horrors he had experienced.As he did so, his poetry gradually evolved into a new
form of the German language, a new rhetoric--one with gaps, arcane references,
compounds, technical words--he took back his language that had been brutalized.
This presentation will take you through the history of Celan's move to such
rhetoric and show how his poetry became one that engages the reader to fill in
the gaps, becoming then an act of dialogic political rhetoric that we can learn
from as we explore the possibilities of the internet.
While the Intercollegiate E-Democracy Project promotes
practices [to be described in my paper] that support the building of
communities, their presence in IEDP discourse does not mean that students
participating in the IEDP at any given time actually constitute a real
community, if a real community provides the basis for non-rhetorical as well as
rhetorical action for social change. For any given student, or for any given
population of students, the IEDP is too transient for that. What these practices
can accomplish, however, is preparation for such action that might take place
within communities that already exist or that might be built beyond the IEDP.
The IEDP is a revolving door, a door through which students enter from and exit
to their various communities within the greater public sphere. And what they
experience as community-building, including the rhetorical skills they develop
and practice within the IEDP, can be taken back to those established (or
prospective) communities that are much more conducive to concerted action. IEDP
students’ relationship to community is thus one of apprenticeship, or, to
change the metaphor, the imagined community of the IEDP is a crucible where
subjective agents are formed, or where political subjectivities are at least
tried on, tried out, or otherwise tested for subsequent participation in
democratic communities where real change may be possible.
At a moment when everyone from politicians and free-traders to educators and philosophers touts the information super-highway as a potential panacea for global civilization, it might do us all well to remember Benjamin’s warning that "there is no document of civilization which is not at the same time a document of barbarism….A historical materialist therefore dissociates himself from it as far as possible. [It is] his task to brush history against the grain." In the maturing industrial age of production, human identity, as represented and composed by art, faced great opportunities and challenges. For Benjamin, the advent of film and photography promised to decentralize and, maybe even democratize, the project of ideology, but they also harbored the strong possibility of promoting fascism. Amidst the ruins of traditional cultures and identities lay a new social frontier that was just as likely to be filled by new oppressions and inhumanities as it would be new visions of democracy and justice. As we enter a new, maturing age of post-industrial production, it seems we might keep in mind these same possibilities.
In this paper, I want to argue that the contemporary economic and cultural moment has created a new period where traditional social and political identities are shifting rapidly. Nowhere in so-called ‘first-world’ nations do these dynamics appear more clear than on College campuses where the historical mission of transmitting cultural unity and class privileges have been displaced by economistic utilitarianism and social fragmentation. As Bill Readings has argued in The University in Ruins, "the contemporary university is busily transforming itself from an ideological arm of the state into a bureaucratically organized and relatively autonomous consumer-oriented corporation." The loss of previous unifying principles has created an institutional crisis of purpose which, for most, has been manipulated by private interests to circumscribe everything from administrative practices to academic curriculum inside of a corporate hegemony. In most cases, higher education has been hi-jacked by big business. While there may have been other counter narratives to the patriarchal and eurocentric modernist university (multiculturalism, community service learning and experiential education, etc.), even they must now adapt to the language of entrepreneurialism and market values. Thus, the progressive potential of new campus institutional and discursive formations, as well as technological practices and the technologies themselves, are powerfully being re-inscribed with a new, dominant ideology of post-industrial, post-Fordist, and Post-modern capitalism.
Yet, I also study the work of a small coalition of college custodians, students, faculty, and local residents who came together to protest the custodial unit’s outsourcing. In doing this, their coalition produced an alternative site within the university that promoted an oppositional narrative and set of cultural values. Based in a shared sense of commitment and mutual interests, many of the group’s participants talked about community and identity in ways that challenged the college’s market-based decisions and discourse. I want to conclude this paper by offering this coalition’s activities as a model of contemporary organizing and experiential education. Far from the glories of cyberspace, the real possibilities for liberatory learning and visionary thinking came from the powerful and prolonged interpersonal dynamics of long meetings, confrontational demonstrations, and celebratory functions. And unlike traditional community service learning and internship projects, this practical political engagement forced students to think critically about issues of "community" and "service." It also forced custodians and other coalition members to rethink class, race, and ethnic affiliations and identities. In essence, this struggle provided a source for new stories about what community and collective identity might be in the age of post-mechanical reproduction.
Leda Cooks, "Living and Dying On-Line: Marking Identity and Community on
the Panama-L listserve"
Panel 5: THE INTERNET, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE CLASSROOM (A)
Linda K. Shamoon, "In Search of a Theoretical Frame for Public
Deliberation on the Internet: Suggestions from the Intercollegiate Electronic
Democracy Project"
Certainly one of
the earliest and continuing hopes for the internet is the reinvigoration of
citizen-to-citizen public political discussion and the increased participation
of "ordinary" people in civic and public life. This was certainly the
hope of the earliest civic network projects, such as PEN in Santa Monica, and
those in Glendale and Pasadena, and also the hope of those of us who teach in
the Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project. Our hope is that by creating a
venue for students in different classes around the country to debate issues of
public and social concern, our students' knowledge, understanding, and public
involvement in such issues will deepen. In the public projects, however, the
poor or even destructive quality of the discourse undermined some of those early
efforts, and in our classrooms the students' internet exchanges often do not
lead them to an increase in their commitment or understanding of an engaged
public life. Why do these public discussion projects sometimes fall far short of
their goals?
Part of the answer comes from the fact that those of us engaged in this complex undertaking paid more attention to issues of access to technology than to the often difficult nature of public deliberation in most venues but most especially on the internet. Internet-mediated conversation can be disjointed, inane, or even destructive. In this regard, however, the research of James Bohman on the nature of public deliberation offers a helpful starting point for us to rethink our efforts. In Bohman's scheme the key to successful public deliberation hinges on an array of "crucial discourse moments" that are nurtured by widespread "up-take" of freely shared concerns, as well as the slow and dialogical accumulation a public interpretation of complex issues, the opportunity for self-disclosure (changes of understanding), the self-monitoring of the discussion, and a vastly increased tolerance for critical, alternative, and contrary voices. These factors, argues Bohman, create a public discourse which is, in itself, the realization of a deliberative democracy. Capturing these factors within civic network technologies and within our teaching offers an interesting pathway to more successful public deliberation.
Some of Bohman's factors (such as the easy opportunity to respond to others' statements and the inherent publicness of that exchange) are already embedded in the technology of email or web forums. Other aspects of the technology, however, and of our teaching seem to undermine the deliberative process. These other aspects include the rapidity with which replies can be initiated and created, the unlimited amount of repetition of the same material, the lack of smooth access to and integration of new information into the forum, the disconnect between the internet venue and
other opportunities for public expression or for meaningful action, and so on. These conditions (and more) insure "off-the-top" responses that undermine deliberation, as well as undermine the belief that public discussion can "get some place" or have a real-world effect. Yet, it may be that many of these current liabilities could be corrected by a technology that is _designed_ to encourage crucial discourse moments. In addition, those of us in education projects like the IEDP must find ways to make effective dialogical and deliberative skills integral to the teaching of writing and rhetoric.
Kevin Eric De Pew, "Constructing Cybersubjectivities: The Responsible
Rhetor in The Online Public Commons"
Heidi McKee, "Regional Audiences, Regional Identities: Ideological
Differences in Students' Online Civic Discourse"
My colleagues and I studied online postings by students from two distinctly different geographical regions of the U.S. (Wyoming and the Northeast) who participated in the Intercollegiate Electronic Democracy Project, an on-going project enabling students from across the country to participate in online discussion forums. In the forums, students discuss current political and social issues and are challenged to negotiate many issues of difference.
During the Spring of 2000, we noticed that one of the
most recurring ideological differences and difficulties occurred because of the
conflicting views caused by the more liberal views of the East Coast students
and our Wyoming students' own Western conservative libertarianism. Based on
discursive analysis of students' postings and interviews with our students
(unfortunately we were not able to interview the Northeastern students), we
conclude that the discussion between the Wyoming students and the Northeastern
students failed to develop beyond clearly drawn regional differences because (1)
the students were immersed in unexamined subject positions; (2) the students
viewed the goal of the IEDP to be persuasive rather than deliberative (Burns);
and (3) students were unable to identify and address the points of stasis in
their discussions (Carter). In our examination of what we as instructors could
do differently to promote more deliberative discourse and to increase students'
self-reflexivity of their cultural positioning, we draw upon interviews and
class assignments with IEDP student participants from Massachusetts and Wyoming
in the Spring 2001.
The American public has a complicated relationship with "the character issue" in politics. On the one hand, we seem obsessed with examining the character flaws of public figures in our media and in our discussions of politics. On the other hand, public opinion polls have often provided evidence that we subordinate "the character issue" to other "issues that matter"—effective policymaking, leadership, economic conditions, and so on—when expressing our preferences regarding election decisions or the public agenda. In short, we are drawn to the spectacle of "character" while we often deem it irrelevant to governance.
An explanation for this condition might be in our common understanding of "character" as dealing with the personal morality of public figures, expressed in their minds, hearts, words and behavior. However, a very different understanding of character—one from the perspective of rhetoric—can be gleaned from an examination of the relationship between rhetorical performance, ethos and civic community. I suggest that we reexamine "public character" as the rhetorical constitution of political agency. Any performance of political rhetoric enacts two related dimensions of ideal public character: "ideological worldview" (our sense of how the political world works, and the possibilities for action within it) and "civic relationships" (our sense of how we can—and should—establish relationships with other people within and outside of our community). Political rhetors, in short, constitute examples of political principles and norms for action that the public audience in encouraged to learn from, accept and emulate. Public character can thus promote a range of possible models of public life, from passive, disengaged spectatorship to active, engaged community citizenship.
Understanding public character in this manner provides a helpful resource for critics and teachers of political rhetoric—as well as for public persons sensitized to this concept through civic-oriented education—to locate and evaluate the ideological and ethical implications of political communication. The rhetorical performances of politicians, public advocates, news media sources and so on can all be examined in terms of how the performance promotes (or impedes) the agency norms of a civil society: open, democratic and critical discussion and action on the part of active, engaged citizens that privileges the best interests of the community.
The electronic democracy movement today finds itself in much the same position as Progressive political reformers: In an environment perceived to be dominated by corporate and monied interests, new technologies and new institutions appear to be the hope for a reinvigorated democratic life. Yet, even without Walter Lippman present, we face an avalanche of cynicism.
In fact, we can learn much from the experiences of these reformers, especially those in the Forum Movement. This was a movement that grew from the 1910s to peak in the late 1930s with the Federal Forum Project. Forums had various forms and goals, but they were typically understood as a method for both enacting and expressing American Democracy in spite of the difficulties posed by the size and diversity of the US, as well as means for promoting Dewey’s agenda of exporting democratic forms to all areas of life.
This paper will briefly describe the Forum Movement, and the Discussion Movement, the successor to debate as the fundamental democratic skill. It will then try to sort out the obstacles faced by the Forum Movement, the solutions they tried, and the lessons for electronic democracy in what worked and what didn’t, paying special attention to their use of new technologies and how they defined democracy.
discourse of ordinary citizens that is of concern. Journalists and commentators working in new and traditional media employ a rhetoric of snideness. Some new media pioneers exalt snideness and "attitude" in general as effective writing strategies for the Internet in particular. I see these tendencies as problematic for journalism and the republic.
Panel 7: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (B)
This exploratory discussion will address this issue from both a theoretical and practical point of view. Participants will discuss the core issues involved in developing real interactive communication in e-communication and will then, if possible, move from theoretical to pedagogical and methodological issues and solutions.
Panel 8: POLITICS, POWER, AND THE INTERNET (B)
Christopher M Porter, "The Political Dot Com Meltdown. Why?"
In an era where the
internet continues to permeate all aspects of our society, why have so many
political internet sites failed? Was it bad business economics, or bad market
analysis? Is there a marketplace for politics on the internet, and if so, what
does it look like?
This discussion, moderated by Christopher Porter, CEO of www.YourCongress.com, examines case studies of two thriving internet political sites (Grassroots.com, Calvoter.org) and two sites which failed (Voter.com, Politics.com). By moving beyond traditional discourse on politics and the internet, the recent dot com meltdown, and other contemporary topics, this discussion looks squarely at the question of "What do American people want from politics and the internet, and can it be given to them?"
The Political Dot Com Meltdown holds lessons for all
people who are interested in politics and the internet, and their experiences
are worth examining as teachers, students, researchers, journalists, and
advocates try to deduce American politics and the internet in the 21st Century.
Andy Hasse, "ICANN and the Contras: The loss of Constitutional Rights
online"
The paper will address the political
use of the Internet and the loss of Constitutional Rights online. A case study
of a current domain name rights case, as well as an analysis of ICANN (The
International Corporation for the Assignment of Names and Numbers) and WIPO (The
World Intellectual Property Organization) will be presented.
Related topics of the use of the Internet in political
campaigns and general use statistics will also be covered.
Panel 9: THE INTERNET, HIGHER EDUCATION, AND THE CLASSROOM (B)
Mark Mullen, "Too Much Information!
Web-based Courseware and Classroom Surveillance"
Rhetoric and composition teachers continually emphasize the value of audience awareness in the teaching of writing. To move students beyond simply writing for the teacher, many composition instructors involve
students in writing for an expanded public that can range from the rest of the class, to the wider campus community and beyond. Courseware packages such as Blackboard, WebCT and Prometheus, have facilitated the ability to address an expanded public through, amongst other things, the fusion of discussion lists, file exchange, and real-time chat, and have thus offered significant enhancements to writing instruction for many teachers.These same packages, however, are also designed to serve as sets of administrative tools. Many of the administrative features contaminate the pedagogical integrity of these packages by bringing a level of surveillance
to the scene of writing instruction that beggars even the most extreme visions of the classroom as a disciplinary apparatus. Instructors can tell when their students posted work and sometimes from what location, how many times students have accessed the course website, and what materials they read, amongst other things. As the use of these courseware packages for writing instruction becomes more widespread, they threaten to undermine the very notion of a democratic public sphere central to much contemporary rhetoric and composition theory. Indeed the confusion of the administrative with the pedagogical moves us toward the surveillance model of educational technology that is all too common in the business world.Clyde Moneyhun, "‘A Desire to Foster the General
Welfare’: Technoliteracy and Cybercitizenship"
I teach a research and argumentation class as an
exercise is cybercitizenship. Points of departure are websites such as the
Library of Congress’s "Thomas," which make details of Congressional
business available to average citizens, and private websites such as Vote Smart,
which offer openly partisan assessments of political events. I will share
writing assignments and examples of student writing. I will also discuss both
the sense of empowerment some students report that they feel as a result of this
practice of citizenship, and also the perpetuation, even in such a controlled
environment, of power inequities in technoliteracy among the students.
Cindy Butos and Bob Peltier, "Misunderestimating the Internet: Information and Disinformation on the World Wide Web"
Our argument is that responsible consumption of online persuasive messages requires more critical evaluative skills than "old" media, which are not necessarily available, and therefore the mere rank ordering of the Web sites in a search engine result list has a major impact on them.
We will expose subjects to a previously chosen list of modified web sites addressing a debatable issue and ask them to assess both their credibility and bias on that matter. An initial questionnaire will be administered in order to
measure the subjects’ attitude toward the chosen issue.To prove that the perceived source credibility and bias is influenced more by the mere rank ordering of the results in a search engine list than the actual messages, pro and con groups of subjects will be exposed to three distinct lists, one with the pro and con sites alternating and two with them clustered. We expect that within each attitudinal group (pro and con) we will found differences in the appraisal of both credibility and bias of the "visited" web sites, which will correlate with both the rank order of the Web sites as well as with the manner of presentation (mixed versus clustered).
Third Plenary Session
Paul Lauter, "Technology, Power, Democracy"
I began a decade or so ago as something of a partisan for the application of computer technologies, and especially the internet, to educational goals. I was, in fact, co-project director with Randy Bass for an Annenberg grant that helped establish the Crossroads project of the American Studies Association. And as the general editor of the Heath Anthology of American Literature I promoted the development of what is by far the most advanced and--I think it’s fair to say--interesting web site associated with such an anthology. I continue to believe in the usefulness of such technologies for teaching and, I hope, for learning as well, and I have devoted a good deal of time and energy to developing the Heath web site as well as to applying certain internet-based discussion technologies to my classes.
But over the years I have come to be more skeptical about the impact of electronic technologies, especially as these are deployed outside but also to an extent within the academy. Indeed, I have come to feel increasingly that there are fundamental contradictions between the control of such technologies and the uses to which they are being put, on the one hand, and democracy, on the other. I want to try saying why.
Featured Panel
Carl Bernstein, Justin Dangel, Ben Todd, and Don McLagan:
"eDemocracy: Friend, Foe, or Fizzle?"
Don McLagan will moderate a lively, interactive discussion involving conference participants and journalist Carl Bernstein, Voter.com founder Justin Dangel, and Smart Neighborhood project director Ben Todd. Lots of Q & A!
SUNDAY, JUNE 24, 2001
Panel 11: RHETORIC, THEORY, AND THE INTERNET (C)
Jeffrey Parker, "Hypertext Authoring/Internet Culture"
Taking Jacoby’s perspective as my starting point,
this paper will examine the ways in which developments in hypertext as a serious
authoring tool, and the availability of the Internet as an avenue for scholarly
and creative publication offers a new territory for experiment and re-invention
that will not only radically alter previous authoring strategies, but will also
de-stabilize the relationship between reader and text through a process of
interactions between writer and reader. This interactivity will, among other
things, fundamentally alter traditional definitions of authorship as ownership
of a "specific" text. In my argument, I will pay particular
attention to the construction of fictional identities by author and reader made
possible by various electronic environments such as MOOs and other interactive
venues and how this process might re-invent and expand the potential for public,
critical, and scholarly discourse.
A distinct and powerful outlook has recently emerged that attacks the new electronic technology, what I believe constitutes a new version of the jeremiad. This new jeremiad has developed a style to match its substance. It conveys its hostility to the new technology in a distinctive manner. It strikes a distinctive attitude. In short, the form and tone of its discourse reveal its character and accounts for its compelling emergence in the marketplace of ideas.
This presentation will examine representative examples of this new critique of technology, and the specific style and ways of giving name and meaning to the new technology’s shortcomings and the rhetorical modes it deploys to depict those shortcomings.
Five representational figures will be examined. First Neil Postman, communications theorist and NYU professor and the author of two explosive critiques of the new electronic technology (Amusing Ourselves to Death and Technopoly). Theodore Roszak, a California State history professor, author of The Cult of Information. Kirkpatrick Sale’s chronicle of the rise of the luddites and their war against technology in Rebels Against the Future. Followed by Mark Slouka who questions the value of cyberspace in War of the Worlds, and Clifford Stoll’s assault on computers in the classroom in High-Tech Heretic.
Finally, this presentation will assess how these
figures make some effort to articulate principles and relate specific questions
to general ideas. At the same time, acknowledging that as jeremiads they may
exhibit a formidable display of rhetorical devices, but not always hold up under
critical scrutiny.
The theories of technological determinism and technological instrumentalism are not often referenced in discussions of the effects of technology in education. While government leaders have recently invoked the notion of a "digital divide" between racially and economically diverse students and schools, as well as the importance of narrowing the gap between technological "have’s" and "have not’s", the discussions have rarely gone below the surface-level veneer of racism and democracy. The proposed paper and conference session present the argument that the introduction of computer technology into our educational system has created a host of issues, both determinist and instrumentalist. If the promise of a level-playing field through education remains our goal, the distribution and use of any tools in teaching and learning must be guided by a thorough understanding of these issues. Further, it is argued that the conceptual framework of the critical theorist is perhaps the best way to move beyond abstract discussions of race and equality to achieving positive action towards appropriate use of and equitable access to technological resources in education.
Panel 12: POLITICS, POWER, AND THE INTERNET (C)
Yukinori Ishikawa, "Can Japan Give
Democracy a Second Chance?"
After a decade of economic slump and political paralysis, Japan is in trouble. As many point out, lack of leadership is to blame. But Japanese citizens must accept responsibility as well. The reality is that Japan is in a poor state of democracy.
A culture of argument is an essential ingredient of democracy. In Japan, however, it hardly exists as argument tends to be shunned in favor of group conformity. A democracy without democratic culture, Japan needs cultural evolution, not an autocrat. To this end, the Internet can play a key role by staging virtual town meetings where citizens learn the basics of deliberative democracy.
Experiments are under way. The 21st Century Public Policy Institute hosts a town-meeting site on the Web, and works with a major national newspaper in conducting online discussion under a different format. With assistance from the think-tank Mie prefecture (state) plans on building a virtual public commons for democracy – perhaps the first of its kind by a local government – for its 1.86 million people.
The goal of this paper is twofold. First, we will show why democracy in Japan is dysfunctional. Secondly, we will discuss how the Internet can be instrumental in reshaping democracy. Some of the above initiatives will be examined in detail.
The paper will describe this changed media environment and then answer the following questions:
1. How has the culture of human rights in the West Bank been enhanced by the use of new technology and the Internet?
2. How do Arabs and Israelis use the Internet to make their political claims? How has the battle between Arab and Israeli hackers been globalized?
Panel 13: "COMMUNITY" ON AND OFF THE INTERNET
Leda Cooks and Erica Scharrer, "Are we a community yet? The formation of
community in Community Service Learning"
Through observation and interviews with students and
community partners, we will first analyze how partners in CSL reference
community (whether the partnership is physically located in a community or
on-line) and if those references change through the course of their projects.
Then, we look toward the implications for representing community learning across
racial, sexual, economic, cultural and geographic (conducting on-line
partnerships) differences.
Students frequently enter my upper-level "Persuasive Writing" course certain of two things: that argument is solitary and that it is adversarial. Throughout the semester I try to expand their notion of argument to include its civic dimension—that is, ways in which argument can promote (or detract from) what Robert Putnam (1995) calls "civic engagement and social connectedness." In doing so we attempt to adapt the classical ideal of "the good man speaking well"—an ideal that was intimately connected to civic life—to new contexts and new technology.
As part of this effort students critique and create social advocacy Web pages. They begin by reading about the special visual and rhetorical features of writing for electronic media. (See, for example, Haas, 1996). Then each student selects and critiques a professionally designed social advocacy Web site. Finally each student creates a Web page supporting a social cause of their choice. This semester only two of the fifteen students had any prior experience creating Web pages, but all found the task manageable. We went through the same cycle of activities with this task as with other, more traditional persuasive tasks: analyzing the intended audience; planning and drafting the text; reviewing a draft of the Web page with peers. By the end of the exercise students had not only used their persuasive skills to advance a social cause, but they had become creators, not just consumers, of Web-based material.
participants in the democratic process. This paper will explore ways in which we, in dialogue with students, can teach knowledge-making via the Internet and film as tools to become actively involved with critical social issues. The paper relies for theoretical grounding on Bakhtin's notion of the dialogic.
An example classroom situation will be presented
involving the teaching of democracy in action. The situation involves having
students become involved in a freedom of speech case via a recent documentary
film. The students do Internet research, correspond with the principals of the
case, do law research, and write letters and papers on the topic. As an exercise
in pedagogical democracy, this pedagogy demands that students make many
decisions and engage in dialogue with each other and with the professor about
the progress of the class. This classroom process becomes itself a
self-reflexive model for the dialogic democracy we are discussing.
Concluding Plenary Session
Michael Cornfield, "Online Politics in America: What It Is. What Democracy Needs. Where Things Stand."
The Internet brings limitlessness, interactivity, scalability, and cybernetics into social and political communications. These qualities seem likely to endure even as the technology of the Internet evolves, and the existing trio of online media (The Web, E-mail, Instant Messaging) converge, diverge, multiply, or expire. Understanding "e-politics" and fostering "e-democracy" depend on a basic appreciation for them.
It follows that a technology-sensitive agenda for those interested in the promotion of online democracy in campaign politics has four outstanding challenges:
• How can politicians speak in a limitless environment, where the default status of any public remark is "available?" (The Netoric Challenge)
• What kind of forums can attract the serious involvement of politicians, citizens, and media organizations, such that public deliberation can take advantage of interactivity? (The Interactive Forum Challenge)
• Now that scalability makes it all too easy to shift messages among personal, local, regional, and global dimensions, what happens to the classic democratic problems associated with scale: privacy, provincialism, nationalism, and civic disengagement? (The Digital Federalism Challenge)
• How do we cultivate a sensible approach to public opinion feedback, now that cybernetics makes it possible to optimize an issue position instantaneously and automatically? (The Direct Democracy Challenge)
Each of these challenges will be illustrated through brief reports from the current public affairs scene. The talk closes with reflections on the metaphoric timelines we use to orient ourselves to the early history of online politics and democracy.